It has taken a long time to prepare this congress. This long time is the time of the history of the genesis of this congress. This history consists of sadness, joy, martyrs, treason and heroism. Without bringing a revolutionary organisation to life, without remaining on our feet even under the most different circumstances, without getting up again after one has fallen, without an ideology which, whatever the circumstances, is not drawn to the left or the right; this congress could not have been realised.

When we addressed our working people with the mission of the party, we had to write a history in which we would not go back on our way, we had to take a new step each day in which our deeds were according to our words, we had to keep our promises and endure ordeals.

This history is in fact the history of our martyrs, written in blood. It may be that our martyrs are not among us now physically, but they are among us with their thoughts, their struggle, their way of life and their dream of the organised fight by the party. They are together with us. With their thoughts and their struggle, we are stronger. Those who did not bow their heads for the enemy under the must difficult circumstances, who died but did not surrender, are looking at us, testing us again and again. To continue their legacy, we have to pass these tests.

Now, years later, it is our most urgent task to crown this congress with the founding of the party to be able to surpass the obstacles ahead of us.

While we wrote our history, we learnt how to fight and organise ourselves. We got to know our internal and external enemy better. We learnt that efforts, sacrifices and force are necessary to take things from the enemy. This congress would not have been possible without writing this history, without going through this phase of learning, without passing tests on the many fields of struggle. Our history is rich of events which have to be looked at and studied carefully. Such a history has maybe not been witnessed before during a revolution, it possesses a uniqueness which can not be forced in theoretical frameworks. It is one of our tasks to study this uniqueness in the development of our history, to learn lessons from it. The genesis of our movement goes back to the year 1974. This was the time in which was learned from the THKP-C and the time we adopted the THKP-C.

In 1977-1978, we started to prepare the re-foundation of the THKP-C, we started to show the ideology and the praxis of the THKP-C to the people’s masses and we learned how to lead the people’s masses.

The time around 12 September 1980 was the time of betrayal, of sacrifices, of resistance. It was a time in which we learned how to fall and get on our feet again. It was the time in which we got to know better our friends and enemies, in which we developed our consciousness of power.

1985-1989 was the time in which we learned how the withdraw and gather strength.

1990 was the year in which we succeeded to grow, a time of speeding up the march to the revolution.

On 12 July, 1991, the naked face of the war became apparent and we saw that this is a war without rules and we saw what price we had to pay.

On 16-17 April 1992, we carried the honour of resistance in the struggle, we learned and taught that those who do not loose their faith in socialism – even when faced with death -, that those who love their land and their people, will never surrender, whatever the circumstances. It were the years in which Devrimci Sol became immortal in the eyes of the people.

During the time of 13 September 1992, we saw in reality how the internal enemy became an external one, how he attacked our movement with the aim of destroying it, how he, masked as a friend, joins the imperialists and the national collaborators, trying to destroy us.

It was the time in which we were not alert enough about what damage the internal enemy could cause.

It was the time in which we had to be even more alert about the internal enemy and we emerged from this struggle with more strength and a better understanding of the art of politics.

This congress shows that we emerged from this struggle as victors, that we have challenged the enemy. Internal and external enemies have attacked us physically, ideologically, psychologically with all conceivable methods to prevent us from developing as party-front to the avant-garde of the people’s masses. To be a follower of the party means having a stronger will for power, conducting an even more developed struggle. Therefore we wanted to take the party as a weapon. The weapon of the party was seen as a function to surpass the obstacles ahead of us, to speed up the way of the revolution. This reality was also seen by our internal and external enemies and they increased their attacks from the moment we started the preparations for the founding of the party-front. A lot of our organisations and values were destroyed by them. We lost a lot of time because of them. But today, gathering for this congress, we have taken away all their weapons from their hands and their attacks were in vain.

In the presence of all our toiling people, our working class, our poor peasants, our patriots, our intellectuals, facing the people in the world, we repeat that we will not lower the flag of liberation, even if there would be not a single organisation or country left in the world which defends liberation. Neither an internal, nor an external enemy, will be able to throw this flag on the floor. Our congress is a moment in which we raise this flag, the flag of Marxism-Leninism, even higher.

This congress is a severe blow for all our internal and external enemies, for all those who prepared to celebrate our funeral.

This congress is a special one, considering the development of our history, the uncompromising line against the enemy, the remorseless resistance in circumstances of severe oppression and considering the characteristics of our time, seen in the context of the past as well as in the context of assessing the future. We have to understand history, the history of our movement, and we have to envisage victory. This congress will open the way to our victory. Our enemies will try everything to prevent the struggle of our people of the party-front. They will increase their attacks in a way we have not witnessed before, using unthinkable methods, to stop the decisions of this congress. We have never achieved victory and values in an easy way, nobody gave us anything for free. We achieved almost all by means of force, a lot of efforts and blood. To defend our values and our gains, and to achieve bigger successes, we will even have to work harder, we will have to try even harder, and more blood will flow.

Our party-front will be the nightmare of our enemies and it will become a symbol of trust, the future and hope for our people and our friends.

The eyes of the people of the Turkish and the Kurdish nations, the people of the Arab, the Cherkez, the Georgian and all other nations in our country are aimed at this congress.

Our fighters, our cadres and our sympathisers are waiting with great hopes and excitement for news about the party-front from this congress. We will not leave behind our enemies without visions of fear, we will not leave behind our friends without news of hope.

For a better understanding of the historical characteristics of this congress and to give a view of our future, I present to you, comrades delegates, all the cadres and the people, a report about the general history of our movement and my report about the present situation and my thoughts about the future. We came here as the leaders, the responsibles and the fighters from several segments of this honourable and famous history,

Our history is filled with characteristics, rarely seen in the history of revolution. This history is a history which was written by those who always, whatever the circumstances cried out the truth, who stood upright against all attacks, who persistently followed the road of the revolution, despite pain and treason, who did not hesitate to give martyrs. And it is a history which tells of heroism and of treason while martyrs fell.

We, with our faults and values, with our strengths and weaknesses, we as the soldiers of this rich history must not let fall those who are the real owners of this history, our martyrs, the ones who were tortured, the wounded, the prisoners, the ones who give us their trust and who speed up the revolution, the ones which are the torches of our road. They will remain the most valuable elements of our struggle.

The imperialists, the collaborating oligarchy, the bourgeois ideology, the opportunist who follow this ideology, the revisionists, all of them can destroy a lot, they can distort and darken the truth which is known to the whole world but they do not possess the strength to wipe out the history, buried in the memory of the people, written in blood at the cost of hundreds of martyrs and thousands of prisoners. This is not just important for the history of revolution, it is important for the history of society as well. It’s us who were able to break through the siege by our enemies because of the history, written by our martyrs, against the attacks by imperialism and the oligarchy, whether they come from abroad or within, whatever their disguises and the words they used as a mask. They resisted without surrendering, thus creating a belief and a consciousness which enabled the breakthrough. This belief and this consciousness created our limitless belief in Marxism-Leninism and our trust in our people and ourselves.

Now we are a movement which was not weakened or destroyed, despite the traps and difficulties, despite many calamities. Despite all the attacks and despite many standstills, our strength and influence is increasing faster and faster. This is a positive development.

To analyse this development, albeit shortly, it is good to look at the segments, the difficulties and the ideological dimensions of our movement, its friends and its enemies.

When our movement entered the stage of history, it new chapter was opened in the history of revolution in Turkey. This new chapter can not be separated from the THKP-C, its fighters and its leaders, especially Mahir Cayan. They destroyed the barricades, erected by the opportunists and revisionists and they showed revolutionaries and the left forces the reality of revolution, the ideological and political road to the people’s power, to the liberation of the people with a life, full of the will to sacrifice.

Devrimci Sol and the THKP-C are not just connected because of the same ideology or similar views. The unity between Devrimci Sol and the THKP-C is expressed in its ideology, its policy and practice, essentially in its responsibility towards our people and the people in the whole world, in its determination, its spirit and its consciousness of power, in its readiness to sacrifice, even giving our lives.

Nowadays, a lot of groups – calling themselves an organisation or a party – taking upon themselves the mission to defend every single word of the THKP-C, thus making a caricature of the THKP-C, and which disassociated themselves from the masses, do not exist anymore. They neither exist physically, nor did they keep their ideology or philosophy. The main reason why they disappeared was that they could not understand why the THKP-C had dealt with them. The THKP-C always applied Marxism-Leninism according to the concrete circumstances and it took a clear position against imperialism, the bourgeois ideology and its lengthened arms: opportunism and revisionism.

THKP-C means, whatever the price may be, defending the armed struggle as the way to defeat the state of the oligarchy and the way to establish the revolutionary people’s power. They did not understand this.

The THKP-C internalised that imperialism could change its appearance, be it in politics or economy, but that it would never change its methods of exploitation and oppression. The others did not understand this. The THKP-C did not look at Marxism-Leninism just from the view of the revolution in our country, it developed and applied its theory and practice from a internationalist perspective..

The THKP-C posed the thesis that a revolution is impossible without looking at history with its psychological, social and cultural characteristics (waging the struggle from a purely international dimension without looking at the reality in the country itself to organise the people).

According to the THKP-C, a people’s movement can not develop without a consciousness of history, without adopting the progressive and revolutionary moments in history. Because of this reason, the THKP-C took position against imperialism and the bourgeoisie and it stood up for all institutions with a popular character, sometimes for individual persons as well.

The THKP-C acted against all forms of bureaucracy and revisionism, against all measures which tried to command the people from above, against all those who did not put their beautiful words into practice, who satisfied themselves with gibberish and did not give the people any hope. It did not accept all of this, it fought the fraud of opportunism and it became a movement which gave the people hope and security.

All these characteristics, and others which we do not list here, made the THKP-C an immortal movement in the eyes of the people, a movement which was even present with its warmth when circumstances did not allow direct contact with the people. A close bond with the people emerged, developing into a strength which would carry us into the future. A movement emerged for which one could stand up without second thoughts, for which one became a barricade when it was attacked.

Those who could not understand the universal principles of the THKP-C couldn’t understand either how, despite all the denunciations and the attacks by the oligarchy, the THKP-C could leave such a potential behind when it did not exist physically anymore. And they definitely could not understand how the THKP-C could reorganise itself so quickly, after all these denunciations and attacks by those who themselves to the mercy of the oligarchy.

When the THKP-C raised the flag of freedom and liberation of the people in the armed struggle during the dark times of 12 March 1971, imperialism, the oligarchy, opportunism and revisionism aimed their joint attacks against the THKP-C.

The leaders and the fighters had reckoned with these circumstances, they knew that they had to shout out the truth about the revolution, whatever the circumstances.

While the struggle increased, the counter-revolution developed. This counter-revolution within the THKP-C was caused by petite-bourgeois elements who dreamt about a revolution in the near future. They had not understood the complicated road of the revolution, they had not understood the strength of the proletariat and the brutality of the bourgeoisie and they produced traitors.

These traitors planned to end the unity with the people, weakening it. They even went further, propagating giving up the armed struggle against imperialism and the oligarchy. They repeated their theories about imperialism – claiming it was peaceful and that its Turkish collaborators were in fact progressive democrats – inside the prisons, the torture chambers and the courts of the junta.

The THKP-C witnessed itself what imperialism and revisionism mean when the want to force the “New World Order” upon the people in the world, what they mean when they talk about “the peacefulness of capitalism”.

One of the most precious values of our heritage is not to compromise in case of such attacks and treason and never hesitate to continue the armed struggle.

On 30 March 1972, the voice of the THKP-C was heard everywhere. It was destroyed physically, but the armed struggle, waged for just a short time, created a large potential among the youth, the workers, peasants and different segments of the population. The THKP-C became the most important force, indestructible, strength of this potential.

While this potential understood the views of the THKP-C, and was prepared to follow its road, there were others who rejected it. The old supporters and fighters of the THKP-C, imprisoned in the dungeons by the oligarchy, started to commit treason when they were released from prison. They started to develop theories to legitimise their treason, stemming from their personal weakness and disbelief. These traitors, although they differed in minor nuances, did not understand anything of the potential, created by the THKP-C because of its struggle and they did not understand its message to the people.

They betrayed their own history, their past, all the positive things they developed in their own past.

This was the success of the oligarchy: while the struggle carried us forward and created a great potential, we learned to know treason which was to block our road so often in the future. This method will be tried again and again.

We were learned a lesson by the traitors and we learned the importance of crushing treason and continuing our road without doubts.

The traitors tried to change the line of the THKP-C to be tolerated by the oligarchy. They claimed to form a left opposition to the THKP-C. The former leading cadres of the THKP-C, released from prison, agitated in the political arena under a new name and they criticised the line of the THKP-C in several points. This line should be considered equal to the treason by Yusuf Küpeli and Münir Ramazan Aktolga in 1971 when the THKP-C was under fire from all sides by the enemy.

Although their statements were different, their conduct did not differ from that of Yusuf Küpeli and Münir Ramazan Aktolga who praised imperialism, who offered themselves to the oligarchy and who called upon the revolutionaries to surrender.

While the prisoners drew up their theories how best to liquidate the THKP-C, in the years 1972-1974 the youth and people from several segments of the population were waiting full of hope – not knowing about the treason – for those who had become a tool of the bourgeoisie, who lost their conscience and consciousness, to show them the way. During this time, the potential of the THKP-C and partly of the THKO in general carried the spirit and the enthusiasm of the armed struggle. They were willing to attack and they believed in their struggle. At the same time they were young and inexperienced. They did not know treason, opportunism and egoism well enough. The events of these times can be considered to be the nucleus of our movement. Because despite their deficiencies, these people – knowingly or unknowingly – started to erect a barricade against the attacks against the THKP-C by the revisionists, the opportunists and the oligarchy. Among the youth and many segments of the population, groups emerged which defended the line of the armed struggle, the line of the THKP-C, and who spread its writings. These groups started to organise the economical-democratic struggle of the youth and they developed it into a anti-imperialist, anti-fascist struggle.

The oligarchy did not consider the old cadres in prison – working to legitimise their treason – a danger anymore. They were considered useful and released after a general amnesty in 1974. For the youth, who had put their hopes on those they considered to represent the THKP-C, a world collapsed. Almost all who were released from prison tried to pull the THKP-C to the right. Some at the fringes, far away from the masses, degenerated into individual terror.

Some people did not dare to attack the THKP-C openly. They claimed to defend the THKP-C and declared that the armed struggle had been started in a time in which the subjective conditions had not been present. That’s why they had been defeated.

Some., released from prison, recognising the enormous potential on the outside, decided to hide their real views and pursued a tactic which was aimed to draw the large leadership potential among the youth on their side to spread and push through their opportunist views in a later time.

Those who had chosen for betrayal in prison, who betrayed their comrades, these renegades who essentially had finished with the armed struggle, were suddenly blinded by the strength of this large and young potential and they decided to enter the political arena again.

They did not have the belief and the feeling for such an important cause as the revolution, although the claimed to share the same beliefs. They split up in a lot of small groups in an incredible speed, trying to organise this enormous potential.

As if they hadn’t parted from the THKP-C in prison, they now tried – in one way or the other – to take upon themselves the mission of defending the THKP-C.

The young cadres who had created the THKP-C potential were now confronted with a historical responsibility. They had to defend the line of the THKP-C, the line of the armed struggle, the line of our revolutionary martyrs and our leaders. Masses of aged, rotten and lying elements now tried anything conceivable to get this revolutionary potential into their hands.

Some did this directly with the words of the bourgeoisie, others hid behind a scientific mask and their theories. But they all launched an ideological attack. Added with all the prattle, the speculations and the denunciations, one sees that they continued their attacks, simultaneously insulting our martyrs.

At the same time the civic fascists emerged, organised by the oligarchy to fight the revolutionary potential, attacking it with terror. Now the youth had the task to wage the struggle against the traitors of the revolution, simultaneously fighting of the fascist attacks, leading and organising the academic-democratic struggle of the youth at the same time.

No doubts, the renegades did not have this problem. They were busy to legalise there orders, strengthening them and drawing people to their side. That’s why they did not want to accept the practical tasks and the ignored the attacks by the fascists. A fight, based on revolutionary violence, against the fascist attacks was labelled by them as a provocation and they tried to hinder the youth, pulling them to their side. Despite this, and despite their demagogy, the theories of the renegades were pushed aside because the problems of the people and the increasing attacks by the oligarchy were apparent.

It can be said that the youth recognised the defenders and the forsakers of the THKP-C in the practice of the struggle and that they gathered around the foundation of the THKP-C. All kinds of opportunism and denunciation emerged in this time, occupied with establishing their private pious orders.

The young potential became aware that there was nobody left to show them the way, nobody left to trust and follow. These feelings and thoughts quickly grew into a self-confidence. This trust was based on the line of the THKP-C, despite everything, challenging the enemy by means of the armed struggle, giving the people its own voice. Our leaders were leaders who had fallen, they were fighters to die for. We had to be good scholars to carry on their inheritance, understanding their words.

If the history of the revolution was to judge us, this judgement would solely be based on the fact if we would be able to carry the flag of the revolution, handed over to us by our martyrs and our leaders who risked their lives. We were young and inexperienced, we were surrounded by profit seekers, and the lack of experience weakened us.

We had to accept the inheritance of our martyrs by taking strength of our past, by waging the struggle again against opportunism, reformism and the enemy within ourselves, by learning how the fight in the struggle itself. This strength could not be defeated by the oligarchy, nor by opportunism. This was a fact which enabled us to take a step forward each day, we became better fighters and we were able to recognise treason.

The more we learned about the struggle, the reality of revolution and our past, the more we internalised the THKP-C and its leadership, its greatness under the circumstances of its time and its dedication to the revolution.

And slowly we started to see how imperialism and the oligarchy tried to infiltrate the revolutionary ranks with traitors and renegades, how they tried to suffocate the revolution in its first stage. It can be said that we started to see during these years that we had to draw a broad line between Marxist-Leninists and the opportunists and reformists.

Opportunism and reformism tried to infiltrate, using thousands of disguises.

Those who had nothing to do with the THKP-C tried to force their opportunistic and revisionist views upon us, using the name of the THKP-C.

From 1974, we started to raise the flag of the ideological battle openly against these devious elements without character.

We revealed their true faces and we prevented that they could hide among the democratic organisations of the youth and the people, using the THKP-C as a mask.

At this point I have to commemorate all the comrades, foremost Niyazi and Ibrahim who played an important role in this struggle, who always showed their bond with the THKP-C and who kept their radical stand alive.

We realised during those years that we had to organise ourselves urgently. We were forced to stand up against the renegades, the opportunists and the oligarchy and we began to realise that we had to start the armed struggle again real soon.

Of course, our attitude could not be just of a ideological nature at that time. The young generation defended the THKP-C everywhere, it led the armed and the unarmed, the ideological and the political struggle.

The hidden and the open renegades, seeing our offensive and measure of organisation, tried to weaken us by all means, with their little games and their denunciations. These elements who had infiltrated several structures under the name of the THKP-C and who tried to take them over, were swindlers and they were so afraid and opportunistic that they did not even risk an open ideological struggle. We blocked all their attempts to liquidate us by taking over the leadership of the struggle in practice and we took the masks away from the faces of these renegades. Some of them went to the revisionists of the TKP (Türkiye Komünist Partisi, Turkish Communist Party), others found their place among the ranks of the bourgeois-nationalist PDA (Proleter Devrimci Aydinlik, Proletarian Revolutionary Enlightenment).

Many among our ranks were influenced by these opportunists because of their masks and their ready-made slogans.

The theory of social-imperialism, hidden behind the mask of a ostensible THKP-C line, championed by Ömer Güven, who later went over to Aydinlik (PDA), and his accomplices was the reason why a considerable number of people who defended the line of the THKP-C switched over to Aydinlik. These people were the reason why the PDA tried to get to know the people in our structures, to tried to discuss with them. In the end, when they were removed from the practice, they all found a place which suited them, be it in Aydinlik or with the TKP-revisionists.

The group which was acting at this time as Devrimci Genclik (Revolutionary Youth), later as Devrimci Yol (Revolutionary Path), claiming to defend the line of the THKP-C, was just observing the open attacks by the opportunists against the THKP-C. In stead of uniting against these attacks and taking a joint stand, to started to flirt with the opportunists. The task of defending the line of the THKP-C was thus forced upon the younger generation. It gathered the potential of the THKP-C behind itself.

The attacks by the opportunists and renegates against the THKP-C met a barricade, built by the young generation. This young generation defended the spirit of the THKP-C with all its strengths and weaknesses.

In that period, all kinds of deviations from the THKP-C line prospered and its representatives tried to conquer their place in the political arena. The younger generation learnt – with a ripeness which was extra-ordinary for their age – within a short time to take the necessary measures against the attacks by the enemy. They became their own teachers.

In 1975, especially the youth in Istanbul defended the ideology of the THKP-C, representing a rather strong force. These youngsters, moving thousands of people, fighting, opposing fascist attacks with revolutionary violence, feeling the need to organise broad masses of the people, developed a consciousness of illegal organisation as they progressed.

The needs of the struggle grew on several levels day by day.

While we were the organisers, the leaders and the executors of almost all armed attacks and mass confrontations, we kept our position as the legitimate leaders of the youth.

The political developments and the practice in those days learnt us that next to the existing democratic forms of organisations, further steps and forms of organisation had to be developed. With this conviction, we established our place in the political arena as KURTULUS GRUBU. The Kurtulus group proved its legitimacy and strength convincingly in several elections, in the struggle against opportunism and revisionism and in several political statements. On the other hand, the real mission of the Kurtulus group was to take serious steps in building up a Marxist-Leninist group which would defend the heritage of the THKP-C against the open attacks against its ideology from the right and the left, a group which would lead the struggle, armed with the views of the THKP-C, with the will to power, demanding, self-confident, under no circumstances deviating from the line of the revolution.

With the formation of this group, for the first time since Kizildere all the works of Mahir Cayan were gathered centrally by a movement and distributed across the whole country to spread the ideology of the THKP-C. Furthermore, the parts I, II and III of his work “Uninterrupted Revolution” were printed in large numbers. Thus the views of the THKP could be spread and established among the new generation of revolutionaries. Even though this task seems futile, seen from a present view, under the conditions of the time it played a major role. These writings were like a guide in the struggle against opportunism and the renegades and they secured that the views of the THKP were spread, established and defended almost everywhere. They accelerated the fall of the mask of opportunism. In a way they provided the right answer against the attempt to eradicate history. These writings were multiplied again and again and they spread automatically.

The split between opportunism and Marxism-Leninism increased. The opportunists and renegades who didn’t trust themselves and who feared theory and practice split off, together with those they could draw away of the mass organisations, and they set up their own “monopolies”. They had no trust in themselves in the joint struggle of the mass organisations against imperialism and fascism. That’s why they hastily withdrew from the field where they could not gain a majority, where they were losing support.

This was also the phase in which several opportunists organised provocations to legitimate their own monopolies and to gather forces. They provoked our mass organisations and attacked our people and tried to confuse them with vulgar slogans like “Neither America, nor Russia”.

We can say that this was also the time of the biggest mass demonstrations and mass confrontations in the history of the revolution in Turkey. The funeral of the revolutionaries who were murdered by fascists in 1975 were witnessed by tens of thousands of people. This strength even grew during the funeral when the masses resisted the attacks of the enemy in Kocamustafapasa/Istanbul. The people did not flee, men and women fought street by street, house by house, using bricks, fire arms, whatever they could get a hold of. This confrontation was written in gold in history went the people succeeded to defeating the arms and the tanks of the enemy. This big mass protest was to be a great lesson. Furthermore, the masses broke through the barricades of the opportunist and revisionist block, thrown up to divide the masses, but the masses took their place in the resistance, despite all provocations.

These developments show that the animosity of opportunism towards our movement is nothing new, it existed a long time before we entered the political arena. This animosity starts with the heritage of the THKP-C and it continued till today, becoming even bigger as our strength grew.

In this period, the Kurtulus group became the leading group in the economical-democratic struggle of the youth in schools and universities. They began to organise the fight against the civic-fascist terror in some Gecekondular (slum areas). Several armed and mass actions, several actions of handing over state property to the people and anti-imperialist and internationalist actions against attacks against the people in the world were carried out during this time.

Everybody was able to see that the THKP-C could not be eradicated. The task was to organise the THKP-C anew in practice and theory, taking on the mission of leadership. It was the greatest wish and the ideal of the young generation to introduce the THKP-C again in the political arena as an organised force, to let it show the way to the people’s masses. Therefore they were looking for forces to enable a rapid organisation of the THKP-C, although hopes were not high that it could be done quickly. The young generation was open to all, except for the opportunists and the renegades.

In that time Acil (Türkiye Devrimin Acil Sorunlari, Urgent Questions of the Revolution in Turkey) and the MLSPB (Marksist Leninist Silahli Propaganda Birligi, Armed Marxist-Leninist Propaganda Unit) appeared, remains of a radical left-wing line. They accused all others of denouncing the THKP-C and the interpreted the THKP-C from a radical left view, the focus perspective.

Looked at carefully, they made a caricature of the line of the THKP-C, they did not understand the historical and political circumstances in which the THKP-C waged the battle, they were unable to apply the objective conditions to Turkey and they had a rough dogmatic view. That’s the reason why they could drift to the right se easily. Neither in the context of a mass basis, nor in the context of there actions were they to be taken seriously. Demoralisation within these groups made them dissolve themselves.

This was the time we met the group of Dev-Genc.