The Name of the War Against The People: THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA(Part 3)

HOW AND IN WHAT KIND OF INSTITUTIONS IS THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA ORGANISED?

The “Special Forces” command

When the contra-guerrilla was organised in Turkey in 1952 as the “Institute for War Research” it could possibly be described as a “dark force within the state” or “a state within the state” like similar institutions in Europe. Nowadays such a description is no longer valid, considering the institutionalisation of fascism. The first contra-guerrilla organisation developed simultaneous with the increasing class struggle, its organisation was enlarged and it developed into a mechanism which nowadays controls the entire state.

The “Institute for War Research” can be described as the core of the present “Special Forces”, used in the war against the people. The “Institute” was set up in 1952 without any legal basis as a secret contra-guerrilla centre, under the command of the general staff. Its existence wasn’t even publicly known till 1974. The existence was not documented in any written document or archive. After it’s existence was revealed, it was claimed the organisation was only to be used against occupying forces of the enemy in case of a war. The organisation had allegedly nothing to do with a contra-guerrilla organisation. But whatever they claim, it’s obvious the contra-guerrilla is always used in the war against the people. After it’s existence became known, the organisation was legitimised. It’s superior commanders and its bases are known. But this is just the public side of its face. The inner structure of the organisation and its activities are still kept secret.

The “Institute for War Research” was first called “Special Warfare Institute”, and afterwards it was renamed “Special Forces Command”. It’s command heads the departments, leading and centralising their activities. The Gendarme Corps, the Gendarmerie Intelligence Service to Combat Terrorism (JITEM), the Special Operation Teams, the Village Guards, the Special Commando Units and the OHAL (Emergency State Areas) governors work under the leadership of the command. Furthermore it commands the Special Operation Units (judicially ordered by the Interior Department and belonging to the Police Chief structure), the Anti-Terror Departments, the MIT (National Intelligence Service) and the Civil Defence Organisation (also officially belonging to the Interior Department). All these organisations are controlled by the contra-guerrilla. The activities of the contra-organisations MHP and Hizbullah are also controlled through this command by the contra-guerrilla. All of them combined constitute the military hitting power in the war against the people.

The activities are not limited to the military field. The psychological warfare, important in the war against the people, is also controlled by the command through the Department for Psychological Warfare. This psychological warfare is conducted by the media and also maintains contacts with the employers and several economical institutions.

In its war against the people, the contra-guerrilla tries to get rid of all obstacles in its way. It therefore has its fingers in all state positions. It is organised in the state bureaucracy. It occupies important positions within the state through MHP-members or supporters of the contra-guerrilla. The contra-guerrilla is also organised in the judicial apparatus, among the judges and the state prosecutors. Also parliament is to be kept under control of the contra-guerrilla. The parties who are represented in parliament are accordingly manipulated.

The contra-guerrilla organisation within the “National Security Council” (MGK) and parliament

The military controls the National Security Council (MGK), in which the general staff, the commanders of the armed forces, the president, the prime minister, and the Interior and Defence minister are represented. The advice of the MGK to the government are in fact nothing less than direct orders. Judicially, the MGK is controlled by parliament, but until now no government has ever risked to ignore a MGK advice. De facto the MGK controls parliament. This power does not stem from laws or the judicial apparatus, it stems from the contra-guerrilla organisation within the state and its military strength. This perfectly fits a contra-guerrilla state and a contra-guerrilla justice. The MGK is a contra-guerrilla organisation. It’s a product of the September 12 junta. Even without any judicial basis the MGK controls parliament. All laws and decisions by parliament must be confirmed by the MGK before they are passed. Any other conduct would get a government into serious problems, no party could get away with that. It is said the contra-guerrilla was behind the attack against prime-minister Turgut Ozal because he had a conflict with the MGK about the Kurdish problem. It is not clear whether or not this is really the case, but it is certain the assailant Kartal Demirdag did not act out of personal interests.

Furthermore it is said that the former SHP (Social-democratic Party) chairman Erdal Inonu stepped down because of a conflict with the MGK. Inonu remains silent about this.

The common goal of US-imperialism and the contra-guerrilla was -and remains- to establish a pro-American government and to keep it in power. For this reason Demirel was trained in the US, appointed as representative of the US-firm Marrison for Turkey and supported in all elections. For the same reason Turgut Ozal was first trained in the US after the September coup and than elected as prime-minister in the sham elections of 1983 as a known supporter of the US. And because of her co-operation with the MGK, Ciller was appointed as chairman of the DYP. Trained in the US, and a US national herself, Tansu Ciller has until now always been supported in the elections by the US. As thanks she appointed the contra-guerrilla chiefs Dogan Gures, Mehmet Agar, Unal Erkan, Hayri Kozakcioglu, Necdet Menzir and Sedat Bucak into parliament. This also shows the contra-guerrilla has increased its power over parliament in time. But the contacts of the contra-guerrilla go beyond this. Members of the civilian fascist organisations or not only found in the MHP or its split, the BBP. A lot of them can be found in the DYP and ANAP. Eight members of the advisors staff of Mesut Yilmaz are former MHP members. The new minister of the Interior Meral Aksener, who replaced Mehmet Agar, stems from a MHP family and has a MHP background herself. It might be difficult to proof direct or indirect connections between individual parliamentarians and the contra-guerrilla, but when we look at politics, it becomes clear that no political party, including the social democrats, can ignore the contra-guerrilla. The contra-guerrilla conducted even the most brutal actions, provocations and massacres during the period of the coalition government between the social-democratic SHP and the DYP. In short: there are no differences between left-wing and right-wing parties in parliament. In the end all parties are, directly or indirectly, accomplices of the contra-guerrilla and the executors of its policy.

Civilian fascist organising: the MHP

In all the countries where the contra-guerrilla was established, it founded civilian fascist organisations or it fell back on already existing fascist organisations, making these organisations into a support base of the international contra-guerrilla. The contra-guerrilla has always needed this kind of organisations and used them in its war against the people. The CIA, for example, used the experience of Nazi officers and Gestapo agents in founding the contra-guerrilla and determining its tactics.

It was established that Catli travelled from Latin-America to Miami on September 9, 1992, accompanied by Stefano delle Chiale, co-ordinator of the international drug trade for the CIA. Stefano delle Chiale is a CIA agent. He is also chief of the Italian Gladio, founder and chairman of the North-Italian fascist party and responsible for bomb attacks in which hundreds of people were murdered.

The first civilian fascist organisation in Turkey of the contra-guerrilla was the “Combat Organisation against Communism”, founded before 1970 by Turkes. After the coup of 1980, the need for fascist organisations was even bigger for the oligarchy. Led by Alparslan Turkes, the MHP was founded. The then chairman of the intelligence service of the general staff, the retired admiral Sezai Okunt meant: “the armed forces were more afraid of the left than for the right because the right was not organised till then. The organisation of the right started with the MHP. Turkes received a lot of help in those days”. (Hurriyet, November 19, 1990)

Leading MHP cadres took over the leadership of the civilian fascist movements. The youth was organised in the “Ulku Ocak” (literally: the Idealist Herd, the Grey Wolves) and the “MHP youth associations”. Under the control of the Special Warfare Department they were trained in military combat in Elazig, Kayseri, Eskisehir, Gaziantep and Cannakale by the contra-guerrilla.

The contra-guerrilla uses the fascist organisation in several ways. As anti-Communists they are the natural supporters of fascism and they are used as a mass weapon and a basis. Sometimes the civilian fascist organisations are used as a hitting force against the revolutionary-democratic opposition. The contra-guerrilla uses members of civilian fascist organisations everywhere in the country for gathering information, provocations, sabotage and massacres.

It suits the state very well to have the dirty work done by civilian fascist organisations. Because if their actions, provocations, sabotage and massacres are disclosed, it’s easier for the state to deny any involvement. Until the coup of September 12, 1980, the fascist organisations of the contra-guerrilla like the MHP and its youth organisation Ulku Ocaklari carried out thousands of actions for the state, murdering revolutionaries, democrats and patriots. But the state was able to present these acts as a result of confrontations between the left and the right, thus twisting the heads of the people.

Before September 12, 1980, the contra-guerrilla had the fascists kill thousands of people, among them well-respected people, known progressives, like the educators Bedrettin Comert, prof. Bedri Karafakioglu, prof. Cavit Orhan Tutengil, prof. Umit Doganay, the teacher Orhan Yavuz, Umit Kaftancioglu, the chief-editor of the Milliyet Abdi Ipekci, state prosecutor Dogan Oz, the chief of police in Adana Cevat Yurdakul and DISK chairman Kemal Turkler. Alparslan Turkes was accused of personally giving the order to kill Kemal Turkler, but he was acquitted. During the trial his aids, Yilma Durak and Aydin Esi, testified that when Kemal Turkler was mentioned during a meeting, Turkes gave them a sign, meaning: Tear his head off.

Another example of the relation between the contra-guerrilla and the MHP fascists was the attack against the then chairman of the ANAP and prime-minister Turgut Ozal. The assailant, Kartal Demirag, was a MHP fascist, trained in Dazkin by the contra-guerrilla. Kartal Demirag was later arrested and sentenced. But the investigation of the case was blocked by the contra-guerrilla, preventing the truth of coming out. The chairman of the investigation committee, appointed by Ozal, the retired judge of the Court of Appeal (the highest court in Turkey), Ugur Tonuk, stopped his work after he was threatened. Demirdag was released after 4 years. The attack was first offered by the contra-guerrilla to MHP member Veli Can Oduncu, imprisoned in Gaziantep and sentenced before September 12, 1980, because of his participation in several massacres. However, he refused to do the job. When the offer was reported in the press, he was found murdered in prison.

From the beginning the MHP was supported by the CIA and the capitalists in Turkey. For example: the Turkey specialist of the CIA after 1974 who worked at the US-embassy in Ankara before 1980, CIA agent Paul Henze, is one of the best friends of Alparslan Turkes. Another example is Ruzi Nazar who until 1971 worked as a CIA agent in Ankara. After 1971, Ruzi Nazar went to Germany as leader of the MHP. One of the financiers of the MHP, Murrt Barak – born in Yugoslavia – was a Nazi who played a major role in organising the MHP in Germany. Ugur Mumcu describes the MHP financiers in his book “The Pope, the Mafia and Agca” in this line-up: “Berker Inanoglu, Ali Kocman, Feyyaz Berker, Jak Kamhi, Emin Hattat, Halit Narin, Mete Has and Mafia-boss Dundar Kilic”.

Nowadays it’s no coincidence that the Mafia gangs, connected with the contra-guerrilla, are mostly led by fascists. The state uses hundreds of people like Catli, hundreds of MHP members or members of its youth organisation as professional killers in its war against the people. As long as the “Special Warfare”, waged by the contra-guerrilla against the people continues, the contra-guerrilla will need this kind of fascist murderers. Because they are best suited for this filthy work. That’s why the biggest source for the cadres of the “Special Operation Units”, founded after 1980, is the MHP.

Hizbullah:

The Hizbullah is a contra-guerrilla organisation, consisting of civilians. It was founded under the control of the contra-guerrilla to cut off the national movement of the Kurds. It could be said that it is a version of the MHP, using a religious ideology as its basis in stead of nationalism. The contra-guerrilla feared that the nationalist and racial ideology of the MHP would not find much support among the Kurdish people, the Hizbullah was founded in stead. Between 1992-1994 some 500 people were organised in the Hizbullah. The massacres by other contra-guerrilla were attributed to the Hizbullah. This also help the state to pretend having clean hands. This contra-guerrilla organisation which organises among the people on a religious basis, has been brought to do the dirty work for the state. Youth between 16-20 years old are used for the actions of Hizbullah. They were organised in meeting centres, schools, mosques and book-stores, and trained by the contra-guerrilla. The attacks were mostly carried out with guns and butcher’s knives. The security of the attackers was guaranteed by the police. In his confession the battalion commander Cem Ersever stated about Hizbullah:

“The two persons who were in contact with Hizbullah are Alaatin Kanat and Adem Yakin. They always told us: ‘The Hizbullah is the enemy of the PKK. The enemy of my enemy is my friend. The security forces must in no case fight the Hizbollah, they should rather clear its way.’ And what these two men said, happened. The security forces protected the Hizbullah and they strengthened them. The best Hizbullah execution teams consisted of (PKK) traitors.”

The village guards

One of the ways of the contra-guerrilla to protect the state against the growth of the national Kurdish movement is to institutionalise the village guards in the war against the people. In this way they wanted to incite the Kurdish people to fight against each other. And at the same time a armed support organisation for the contra-guerrilla was formed. There have been similar examples in the past.

With two new paragraphs added to the “Village Laws in paragraph 74” on March 26, 1985, the judicial hindrances were lifted for the village guards.

In the founding years the tasks of the village guards was explained like this: “to protect their village territory against the PKK”. The first source for the village guards were nomadic tribes. To make the task of the village guards more popular, they were promised wages. They were granted insurances and pensions. To make the task really attractive, even very old people -who in reality couldn’t do the job anymore-, sick people, disabled people and women were made village guards. In the judicial basis for the village guards, paragraph 7 reads: “They must be able to read and write Turkish, they must have absolved their military duty, they must not have served more than 50 days in jail and not been accused of acts they must be ashamed of” etc. In reality this law was not kept. Many who were accused of shameful acts like murder, kidnapping and desertion were pardoned in case they accepted to become village guards. The nomad leader of Jirki, Tahir Adiyaman, is an example for this.

The blood feud between several nomadic tribes was used to arm the tribes and to incite them against each other. When one side armed itself, the other had to become village guards to arm themselves as well. The nomads and village people who refuse to become village guards were forced to. Those who could not be convinced by threats were forced with violence. They were told they would be treated as supporters of the PKK in case they would not accept the arms and become village guards. And the threats were put into practice. Hundreds of villages whose inhabitants refused to become village guards were burned down. Hundreds of farmers were murdered and their murder was presented as the result of an armed confrontation between rival clans.

The tasks of the village guards were expanded. In the beginning it was said: “They protect their own villages”. Afterwards it read: “It will not be allowed that the guerrilla’s visit the villages, it will be prevented that the people from the villages join the guerrilla, the network of spies will be expanded, the people who grant the guerrilla shelter will be found out and they will be forced to join the operations, they will protect the military units, the city institutions, buildings and vehicles.” The village guards were made into paid units, next to the military, fighting with the contra-guerrilla against the own people.

In January, 1993, there were 39.000 village guards, in January 1994 there were 50.000, at the end of 1994 there were 56.000 and now there about 60.000.

Every nomad leader who joined the village guards established his own small kingdom. With the support and indulgence of the state, they gathered money. Using their military might, they began to attack villages and burned them down. They started to kidnap people. Murdering and raping, they made money by trafficking arms and drugs. Officially the village guards are subjected to the Interior department, but in fact they are directly led by the contra-guerrilla. Besides using the village guards for its operations, the contra-guerrilla also used traitors of the PKK in separate contra-guerrilla units.

The “Special Operation Units”

They were founded by the contra-guerrilla in 1985. Nowadays they number 7.000. Officially they are subjected to the Interior department and the general directorate of the police as a police unit. Many of them are active in Kurdistan. Their headquarters are situated in the cities. They are used in the rural areas in operations against the guerrilla, side by side with the military, as well as for special “tasks” in the city centres.

A large part of the Special Operation Units consists of MHP fascists. Thousands of people were sent to the special units by the MHP and the Ulku Ocaklari. The requirements for the recruits were a high school degree and having absolved military service. In 9 months they are trained in shooting, torturing, interrogation techniques, sabotage, assaults and adoption to the area where they will be stationed. Some of them are sent abroad for training. Their members are not forced to wear uniforms and they are allowed to let their hair grow and grow a moustache and a beard.

Mostly they operate together with military units. Their task is mainly to get rid of the targets which are surrounded by the military. Because of their greed for money, their lumpen, racist and nationalist character they have become the ones who commit the most gruesome massacres against the people. Because they get paid for every head to chop of from the guerrilla’s, they became head hunters. To receive rewards, they started to murder farmers, claiming they are guerrilla’s. They have become so inhuman, they started to cut of the ears, noses and even the heads of the people, besides torturing and raping them. According to official records, judicial inquiries were started against 1.500 members of the special teams. 500 were dismissed from their duties because they committed acts which were not in accordance with their tasks.

JITEM – Gendarmerie Intelligence Service to Combat Terrorism

When the OHAL (Laws for the Areas in State of Emergency) came into force in July, 1987, and the founding of the Gendarmerie Army Corps and its information work, the JITEM was established as well. In the beginning the JITEM was intended to gather sound information, monitor the PKK and keep them under control. In a short while, JITEM became equivalent with torture, kidnapping, disappearances and executions. Starting from the cities Diyarbakir, Siirt, Mardin, Cizre, Sirnak, Hakkari and Van, the JITEM buildings became torture centres.

But its activities were not limited to that. From time to time, its members dressed up like guerrilla’s to discover which farmers supported the guerrilla, spreading fear among them so they would no longer dare to support the guerrilla. Another important practice was to set up contra-guerrilla cells with traitors, village guards and fascists. One of the founders of the JITEM and its first commander, major Cem Ersever described these cells as “Star Units”. The contra-guerrilla organisation JITEM has extraordinary power in the areas under the state emergency where it is active. At any given time it can ask for the handing over of any prisoner by the State Security Court, the police, or even the MIT. It’s members possess specially issued police passports and personal cars which license plates have been changed. The JITEM, quickly becoming quite strong in these areas, is able to carry out operations with large forces of its own. Cem Ersever opened state offices in 1991 in Northern Iraq in cities like Zaxo and Erbil. He had close contacts with the Gendarmerie Army Corps commander Esref Bitlisand high state officials. He was dismissed in 1993 after a disagreement with his superior. Before he was murdered he told the media some of the inner secrets of the JITEM. Part of his confessions were published, albeit not under his own name. He was arrested by his own people in the middle of October, 1991. In the morning hours of November 5, 1991, he was found on the highway between Ankara and Kirikale, his hand tied to his back, and two bullets through the back of his head. Shortly after, two more bodies were found. One of them was Mustafa Deniz, considered to be his right hand and the other was Mahsune Dguebe, known as Ersever’s girl friend and whose real name was Neval Boz. Mustafa Deniz was once arrested as member of the PKK. He became a traitor and joined the contra-guerrilla. According to Ersever, Neval Boz worked for the MIT when she studied at the university in Syria. Later she worked for the JITEM. Internal conflicts between the enemies of the people, between the gangs, are often accompanied by massacres.

The Anti-Terror Department

The political department, belonging to the Interior department and founded by the Security Police Directorate, changed its name in 1991 into Anti-Terror Department after the Anti-Terror Act became law in 1991. Its headquarters were situated in Ankara and there was a department in the police stations of all the cities. The contra-guerrilla became best organised in these departments in the cities. The policemen who work for these departments are trained abroad, especially in the US and in Germany.

With the growth of the revolutionary struggle, the power and the responsibilities of these contra-guerrilla unites were expanded as well. The Political Departments, now known as Anti-Terror Departments, have been known for a long time by the people as torture centres. But in the past years it name is more and more mentioned in connection with executions, massacres and disappearances.

Anti-Terror Departments were set up in all police stations. Together with the plainclothes department they control the neighbourhoods of the cities and gather information. A network of spies was set up in all the neighbourhoods and workplaces. For gathering information, policemen, voluntary are forced informants are used. The fascists supply them with voluntary spies. Another practice is to kidnap sympathisers and members of revolutionary organisations and force them to betrayal. Almost without exception, detainees are offered to work as an agent.

Since the intensification of the war against the people in the ’90s, the Anti-Terror Departments play a major role. The contra-guerrilla, organised in these departments, is behind almost all cases of disappearances. These cases have become daily policy and arrests are always flatly denied, even if there were a number of witnesses. Also the execution of unarmed people on the streets, presented as an armed confrontation, attacks against mass demonstrations, provocations, false and slanderous reports about revolutionaries…. all this is part of the war by the contra-guerrilla, waged by these departments.

The National Intelligence Service (MIT)

In 1923, after the Republic of Turkey was founded, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk asked Husamettin Erturk to set up an intelligence service. In the Ottoman Empire, Husamettin Erturk had been the director of the intelligence service “Teskilat-i Mahsusa”, organised by Germany for Abdulhamit in 1880. The new service, set up by Husamettin Erturk – Mudafai Milliye Istihbarat (MM)- was renamed Milli Emniyet Teskilati in 1941 (also known as Milli Amele Hizmet (MAH). The intelligence service, subordinated to the general staff, was controlled by the American, French and English intelligence services. Even the wages of the Turkish employees were paid by the foreign services. So much for the “national” character of the organisation…

In 1965 the name was changed once again and the organisation was now known as “Millii Istihbarat Teskilati” (National Intelligence Service). A new law was passed to cover its activities. In this period the relations between Turkey and the US and Europe developed which was used by the CIA for its own purposes. From a partly by the CIA controlled organisation, the MIT became a totally controlled organisation. The CIA agent Philip Agee wrote about this: “The CIA had been in contact with the MIT for years. The CIA took care of the training, the development and the equipment of this organisation.” (Philip Agee, Diary of the CIA)

From the beginning the MIT worked closely together with the Israeli MOSSAD. According to the deputy director of the MIT, Sabahattin Savasman, who stated in 1977 that he had spied for the CIA, the MIT was organised like this:

“The CIA has a delegation of at least 20 people who co-operate in the MIT with the CIA and who occupy high positions inside the MIT. They supply information, contacts and they participate in operations at home and collectively in operations abroad. (…) All technical equipment is supplied by the CIA. A lot of personnel was trained by the Americans in courses abroad, the buildings were constructed by the CIA, the instructors were supplied by the CIA. (…) The employees have been working for years as CIA agents, for the benefit of the American secret service, it takes over its tasks without pay in operations at home and abroad. (…)

Our tasks were not just limited in delivering information. When the Shah was still in power in Iran, we had regular meeting every few months with members of the secret services SAVAK and MOSSAD. Most of the times it was the MOSSAD who led these meeting with their quite developed technique. The MOSSAD has a lot of possibilities in our homeland. Hiram Abas participated in operations. (…)

There were also regular meetings with the German intelligence service. (…) In these meeting military and non-military information, gathered all over the world, was passed.

The directorate of the MIT contra-guerrilla:

The MIT is the largest and best equipped organisation of the state. It is said to have its own planes, helicopters and military units. It has always been kept a secret how many employees it has. 1/3 of the personnel are officers. And a part are pensioned officers. The structure of the MIT is quite complex. Legally it is subordinated to the departments, but in reality it is led by the general staff. As director of the MIT most of the times somebody of the Special Warfare Department is appointed, thus an officer of the contra-guerrilla. Like other organisations, the MIT is interwoven with the contra-guerrilla. But because members of several secret services and several interest groups of the oligarchy are active in it, unavoidably there are power struggles within the MIT.

Although the MIT is supposed to work in the foreign policy field, all its capacities are used for hunting and prosecuting revolutionaries, democrats, progressives and patriots to prevent “enemy activities:”.

The confessions by major Cem Ersever:

“You ever heard of Alaatin Kanat? … I think he was a PKK member in 1986. He quickly rose up in the organisation. He was responsible for the regions of Mardin and Batman. In 1990 he was appointed as the responsible for Istanbul. That’s where he killed the deputy-director of the Diyarbakir prison, major Esat Oktay Yildiran… But later he got into trouble with the organisation… He came to us and surrendered. He confessed. Until that time PKK-general Zinnar had been the most important person we got into our hands. Allaatin Kanat now lives in a house, property of the OHAL governor, in Diyarbakir. Alaatin Kanat has created a unit of his own, consisting of 30-40 traitors. He created this unit in the Diyarbakir prison from the cells of the traitors. Whenev er a new “singing bird” enters prison, they try to get him into their unit.” “These units of traitors are called Star Units. We had a lot of Star Units. We had a Star Unit, exclusively consisting of women, which was sent into the mountains, and it was very successful.”

“As I said before, these traitors were joined together in units. Another member was Recep Tiril. He is a psychopath. Another one had the code name Salman… This man with the code name Salman was form Eruh. Another member was Adem Yakin… He had been arrested in 1990 during the armed confrontation in Tahtoras. He is a traitor too. They all live in houses of the OHAL governor. The personnel of the president and the personnel of the Gendarmerie Command are all in the same place.”

“This man with the code name Salman, I don’t recall his real name, was also active in trafficking arms and heroin. Even after he became a traitor, he was arrested for robbery. Of course he was immediately freed again.”

“You have written correctly: the Gendarmerie and the police participate in trafficking arms and heroin. They all co-operate.”

The tasks of the MIT after the new law of 1983

  1. Setting up a national security service in the whole country, gathering information about activities against the unity of country and people, against the existence, independence and security of the state, against the laws and the national strength of the land, giving this through to the president, the prime-minister, the general staff, the chairman of the National Security Council and other necessary institutions.
  2. Preparing and developing plans for the national security, satisfying the information needs and wishes of the departments through the state president and the prime-minister, and the chairman of the general staff..
  3. Leading activities to gather information, making suggestions to the National Security Council and the prime-minister.
  4. Advising the state commissions and institutions in activities to distribute information and preventing distribution of information in technical matters, advising and supporting in matters of organising structures.
  5. Passing on reports and information, considered necessary by the chief of staff of the Armed Forces.
  6. Other tasks as decided by the National Security Council.
  7. Fighting information leaks.

Protocol of parliament session on March 2, 1993 about the contra-guerrilla: “The government opposes to make these false accusations, intended to harm our state, a theme of investigation for our high parliament.” (Nevzat Ayaz, Defence Minister, DYP)

“The number of murders by unknown perpetrators, risen to 600 in one year, constitutes a great shame for the coalition government, for all of us and for democracy. In case the request for an investigation is rejected today, this would mean a wound for our democratic parliamentary regime. If our high parliament misses this opportunity, it will have to account for history.” (Algan Hacaloglu, CHP)

“Mister Demirel has said here: We wanted an investigation of the contra-guerrilla, the sent a message not to stir up things. Apparently a message was sent today as well to mister Demirel and mister Inonu to sent this message through to the present opposition so they leave this matter as it is, to put their own fractions under pressure.” (Hasan Mezarci, RP) “There are certain reasons why this organisation has become the target of these attacks. The reasons: to harm the security forces, corrupt its morale, create internal problems, making them biased, making society despair about these forces, getting society over to their side. To say it 2 words: shaking the trust in the state.” (Baki Tug, DYP)

“In a time when the great masses do not have sufficient information, some people, circles and even institutions wage campaigns which from time to time even become actions. The goal is obvious: confusing the thoughts of the people, harming the Turkish state and some of its institutions, destroying them.”(M. Bahri Kibar, ANAP)

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