DHKP 39: We have lost our Commander, our Leader, our Uncle

Date: August 11, 2008

*We will continue to salute him, stepping up our war with his teachings! *His revolutionary life will again define revolutionism! *Condolences to the people of Turkey and the world. We have lost a great revolutionary.

Our pain is indescribable, our loss is great; our commander, leader and General Secretary of our Party Comrade Dursun Karatas was martyred at about 5 in the morning on August 11. A heart that for 38 years fought for revolution, the liberation of the peoples of the world, the independence of our country and the freedom of our people has ceased to beat. Our leader gave his last breath in the arms of his comrades, secure in the knowledge that he had done his duty to the last for the peoples of the world and his own people.


We have lost our Uncle (Turkish original: “Dayi”), who was our light in darkness, our compass on rough, winding and steep roads, an expert guide on the road of revolution, someone who helped up those were down, taught us to run faster and was always at our side with advice, instructions and politics.

We have lost our guide to Turkey’s revolution, someone who for 38 years expertly showed us pictures of beauty in a tired, painful old world full of vileness. Our Uncle was a guide. If we have not lost our way in the darkness of fascism, if we have not been overwhelmed by counter-revolutionary tempests, if we have not drowned in the swamps of imperialism and not been destroyed up to the present by states of siege, we owe it to our guide.

Our leader was one of those rarely encountered people who wrote their will into the history of the latter part of the 20th century. We write our revolutionary history from Kizildere onwards. History has a special place for our movement in its pages. And in these pages, he left the signature of his expert hands, the work of a mind that thought 24 hours a day in terms of revolution. With him, we have been a movement which has presented history with splendid legends, overcome treason, broken through encirclement, proved to the whole world that socialism cannot be defeated, and held aloft the flag of anti-imperialist struggle and internationalism in the face of imperialism’s merciless assaults.

Now we hand him over to immortality. No, it is not ourselves who attribute immortality to him on a historical, political, or social basis. He wrapped himself in immortality over 38 years, step by step. Everything he has left to us is the proof of his immortality. Above all, and by itself, the proof of what he created is our Party and Front, and this is the monument to his immortality. Every line, every step of theory and practice he has bequeathed us is his immortality.

We know it will be difficult without him. We will be deprived of the strength he gave us and his willpower when we surmount the problems that lie ahead of us. But we will not in any way be deprived of his guidance on the road ahead. His politics and the example of his life will continue to make him our leader and our guide. So in this way we will continue our march with him. He will continue to be with us with all the values he fashioned over 38 years.

Our people, our comrades!

Our leader was for 10 years receiving treatment for cancer. During this war, he was always powerful and full of resolve. Certainly his illness did not arise in the matter of one day. Severe tortures, long years in prison, dozens of hunger strikes, tuberculosis arising from participation in a Death Fast, the difficulties of years in exile: in short, all the repression and encirclement created by fascism and imperialism over 38 years finally undermined his health. Everything possible was done to treat him: but there were limits to science and to nature. And because of these limits we lost him. But in all these years there was not a day when he drew back from his duty. He was at his post even in his last six days. And everything was planned, including his death.

Our cadres, supporters and people can be certain that our organisation has all its guidance mechanisms in place and will continue to fight with what he taught us. His is a life lived for an independent, democratic and socialist Turkey. Over 38 years, every hour, every second of his life was dedicated to revolution. This devotion to this cause will stay with us always as an inheritance to remind us of our objective. We will continue our march towards an independent, Democratic and Socialist Turkey without deviating from the aim of revolution.

His revolutionary life will redefine what it means to be a revolutionary!
To describe our leader is also to describe the history of the revolutionary movement. For he was present at every step, every stage of our movement’s history. To describe it means describing a history full of courage, a claim and willpower, historic steps, principles, politics and actions expanding the revolutionary horizon, and this is what we owe to our leader and the people of Turkey. However, in a period like today where revolutionism and socialism in the world are subjected to attacks both heavy and insidious, it is necessary for us to stress from the point of view of his 38 years, his understanding of revolutionism and of the revolutionary way of life.

Dursun Karatas lived at every moment for the revolution! In the face of his personal revolutionary life, REVOLUTIONISM MUST BE REDEFINED. Our leader concretised a conception of revolutionism and an understanding of socialism for all who make the claim to be those things, by presenting an accounting of revolutionism based on the yardstick of history and unequalled personal example.

For 38 years he was part of this fight. For 38 years, when our world was turned upside down, when the revolution in Turkey experienced numerous calamities and ordeal by fire and a heavy price was paid. And throughout this period he was always in the line of fire, and he always left his stamp on every historical event with his foresight and politics. Our leader led a life that, with its belief in and devotion to revolution, concretising of theory and politics in his life, scientific persistence in and decisiveness in defending Marxism-Leninism, refusal to give in to the enemy, unshakable belief in himself, his ideology and the people, his devotion to revolution 24 hours a day, was an example in this historical period for all revolutionaries, including those from the rest of the world. The character of his leadership had all these qualities. In saying that he embodied revolutionism in his person, we also place his life before us.

Note that, in those 38 years of his life, there was not a moment when he was part of the system or the status quo. It was never a legal life. During the years when he lived abroad, there was not a single day or even hour when he led a legal or even tolerated life. And in these conditions, treatment of his illness continued under a false identity. He was like one those people of the past with alluring reputations, with the “virtue” of being “old-fashioned leaders”, who never at any time had a place within the system. Throughout his life he never had any expectations from the system. He had no address and no shelter, other than that provided by the people. While the oligarchy created constant speculation about him, and while the contra-guerrillas fired arrows dipped in poison at him, he always did his duty with a joy in revolution that never lacked willpower, belief and enthusiasm. During his revolutionary life he never deviated from revolutionary strategy towards reformism.

In a country where those who surrender, the intimidated and the defeated can still be referred to as “leader”, our leader’s way of life tells everyone what he was. To describe and define him in terms of a single characteristic, to or to reduce his leadership mission to merely theoretical, political or military dimensions is to present an inadequate picture of him. This is what they have also done with people like Mahir Cayan. Whether in strategy, work methods, life and concept of leadership, it is as though the viewpoint of Marxism-Leninism people just glide into what they do. But he was very far removed from table-top judgements, drafts of socialism, the behaviour of those who live within the system. At no time was he a “table-top” revolutionary. At no time in his life was he cut off from the people. He was a leader who took in all aspects of the life and of struggle.
He was a commander. He was a leader of the people. He was a militant and fighter. He was a creator of politics…

Being a commander, a leader of the people, a militant were things that were built up over years. Since his high school years, comrades knew his as someone who was at the front of the anti-fascist struggle. Later, all the youth of Istanbul started to recognise him: in the universities, the student dormitories, he was involved in breaking fascist occupations, and was a militant and also a leader in anti-fascist and anti-imperialist actions by youth, as well as a militant in the academic struggle. In the same period he became known to various sections of the people in shantytown neighbourhoods at meetings of the people, in acts of resistance to demolition. He was recognised as a leader known to the whole of the left in Turkey who had the courage and the willpower to create a new revolutionary movement. He was seen by everyone in this period as having the will to say things like “we will found the party and carry out the revolution, there is no force that can stop us.”

In the face of the tyranny unleashed by the September 12 junta, which encouraged theories about surrender, giving in and making peace with the status quo, he summarised in one sentence – “ the junta cannot make 45 million people surrender” – a line of resistance that created a legend about his leadership in these years. He entered a page of honour in our history, as a leader of the 1984 Death Fast, and was one of the fighters who went on the road to death for 75 days. It was for seeing it as necessary to leadership to be prepared to die and to march in front that he was entered in the pages of history.

In years when there was a craze for denying socialism, abandoning revolution, creating legal parties, he shouted out, “We will shake the world again from Turkey.” In the years when the socialist system was being torn down and the victory paeans of imperialism rang to the heavens, he consciously built a barrier to all the pessimism, disbelief and intimidation by saying that “the problems of socialism will be resolved inside socialism”. Those who honourably raised our flag higher gained their voices and words from that statement.

To resist, to solve problems and to fight: it can be said that all of life is full of examples of these things. Our leader opened the way to types of action like Death Fasts and more general forms of mass heroism in a world where the left of our country and more generally thought that only “leading cadres” were capable of that kind of action. It was possible for the most ordinary person to be a candidate for acts of the greatest heroism. Rank and file, plain but eager: in particular, these were the qualities required for a cadre. If you were eager, you could overcome the things that held you back. And so it proved.

It is clear that our leader tried to win all our cadres, fighters and sympathisers to internalising belief. He united defined belief, knowledge and awareness of reality into a powerful whole. This belief was not merely abstract and agitational. It was not superficial. And it was not in the least transitory. This belief was one which sought to make all of our people do what was necessary for the revolution and ensure they found the strength within themselves. Revolution, revolutionary actions and resistance legends did not require “supermen”, he always stressed, they required people who believed in what they were doing. They had to be able to say, “I can do this.” So it was this belief and confidence that he created in our people. So cadres and fighters were created who when surrounded by fascism and under siege would, when called on to surrender, reply, “Actually, you should be the one surrendering”, they would chant the tililli (translator’s note: a trilling chant of celebration and defiance, often heard in Turkey and the Middle East) while under a hail of bullets, they would write on the walls in their own blood. It would create resisters who would set themselves on fire to resist tyranny. He formed this resolve, this enthusiasm, this will, this courage and this self-sacrifice with his leadership. And at each one of our epics of resistance, the common factor is that the resisters shouted, “Long live our leader Dursun Karatas!”
Brothers and sisters, comrades, our people! His name will continue to be present in all parts of our country, in all significant rebellions on our soil, and echo in the heart of every revolutionary.

Dursun Karatas, the name of a life for the revolution

Our Comrade Dursun Karatas was born on March 25, 1952 in Kurdemlik (Cevizdere) village, Elazig Province. He came from a labouring Kurdish family. He began to have sympathy with revolutionary thoughts before 1970. During high school he was in a group which much later would take its place inside Devrimci Sol.

In 1970 he came to Istanbul to study in Istanbul University’s Forestry Faculty. These were years when the revolutionary line of Turkey was determined, when revisionist and reformist traditions were overcome and new alignments came into being. And in these alignments, our comrade sided with the revolutionary line of Mahir Cayan and those like him. From that point onwards he was a THKP-C sympathiser. (Translator’s note: THKP-C is People’s Liberation Party-Front of Turkey – organisation set up by the young revolutionary Mahir Cayan.)

After Mahir and his supporters were physically destroyed at Kizildere on March 30, 1972, it became clear that there was considerable potential among youth for sympathy with Mahir’s cause. As a militant in Dev-Genc (translator’s note: Revolutionary Youth – a left-wing youth movement that arose at this time), our Comrade Dursun Karatas began to play an active role in defending the THKP-C line, both in Elazig and in Istanbul.

Our comrade was detained for the first time in Elazig in 1974, when he was writing “independent Cyprus” on walls to protest against the oligarchic dictatorship’s invasion of Cyprus in that year. Niyazi Aydin, later a Devrimci Sol Central Committee member, was also involved in the action. His later revolutionary development was assisted, both in developing trust in the masses, and in seeing comrades fighting on the barricades at Kocamustafapasa. And as these showed, they also paved the way for him to develop leadership qualities in life, step by step. As has been said, leaders are not appointed, they win leadership. He acquired the attributes, had his beliefs shaped by life, developed patience and resolve as forms of behaviour characteristic of revolutionaries who make a mark on history. As our comrade did…

The IYOKD (Istanbul Higher Education Culture Association) was established by Istanbul students for the academic democratic struggle and to organise anti-fascist, anti-imperialist activity, and in the course of this our Comrade Dursun Karatas became a leader of revolutionary youth. He acquired a reputation for his character as a leader and militant – people felt confidence in his him and listened to his proposals and opinions. It was at this period that he started to be called “Uncle”. He had a great many nephews and nieces in both IYOKD and in the student dormitory at Elazig, and it was natural for them to call our comrade Uncle. But this form of address spread and became a common name for him. It ceased being a kinship term and came to express comradeship, respect and trust. Uncle was a name for someone you could rely on under every condition, and you could go to the goal he set you, even with your eyes shut.

An answer to the question of whether the THKP-C had a future: the answer is Dursun Karatas!

The developing struggle and the great and sincere sympathy for the THKP-C among supporters of Dev-Genc required a new form of organisation. Our Comrade Dursun Karatas formed the Kurtulus (translator’s note: Liberation) group under his leadership, and was one of those who sought to meet that perceived need. From the founding of this group, he ceased to be a youth leader in Istanbul, he rose to become a leader of the anti-fascist struggle in every area of life. Dev-Genc supporters were actively involved in every area of life henceforth, such as strikes, resistance in the shantytowns, civil servants’ issues and local resistance in villages. They sought to give direction to these struggles, and our comrade took part in all these actions, organised activities, grew more mature and started to learn the practical arts of leadership, politics and guidance.

Dev-Genc waged the struggle in the four corners of the country, and longed to unite the THKP-C potential to bring all the militants together. The needs of the struggle required such an organisation. It was within this framework that Dursun Karatas and comrades came together and took their place inside Devrimci Yol (translator’s note: Revolutionary Path). The aim of uniting around the Devrimci Yol Report was to guarantee a direction along the THKP-C ideological line and create the party. But Devrimci Yol could not be the platform for this task. For the Ankara group within its structure favoured the THKP-C line in theory but did not do so in practice. Instead of building a party, it achieved the perpetuation of its own sect. During this period Dursun Karatas made numerous criticisms of the Ankara group’s leaders, both written and in practice. Instead of discussion, the latter counted on liquidating Dursun Karatas’s militant group in Istanbul. But the THKP-C ideology and revolutionary organisation did not permit liquidation. It was the liquidators who had to be liquidated. And so it was at that point that Dursun Karatas took the decision that was one of the most momentous in the revolutionary history of Turkey’s future development over decades. The continuation of the THKP-C ideology and the task of refounding the Party could no longer be left to anyone else. At this historic period, our Comrade Dursun Karatas took this weighty burden upon himself.

With his decisive initiative and leadership, the cadres who defended the THKP-C, condemned the liquidationist intentions of Devrimci Yol and founded Devrimci Sol (Revolutionary Left) in 1978.

So in the class struggle of our country a new political movement arose.
Through the development of the revolutionary struggle corresponding to the THKP-C line, the aim of building the Party and going along the path of the Kizildere manifesto in the anti-fascist, anti-imperialist struggle meant the creation of new traditions in a short space of time and recognition of who was a friend and who an enemy.

In the history of the revolution in Turkey, there was no other rooted and self-contained separation” which developed so completely in so short a time. The leadership of our comrade Dursun Karatas possessed the courage to carry out this revolutionary movement, and the vision to organise a new movement. This was one of the decisive phases in making his leadership into a leadership of struggle.

To be Dursun Karatas means to create a movement “in the name of hope”

In 1978, when Devrimci Sol first appeared in the political arena, it was a time when fascist terror, both official and civilian, was at its height. A short time after the founding of Devrimci Sol, the state of emergency was declared and the organisation was required to adapt itself to these conditions. And under these severe circumstances the movement also distanced itself under his leadership from revisionism, opportunism and both leftist and rightist deviationists from the THKP-C line. And that was one of the most important characteristics of our comrade, our Uncle. All his life the dividing lines were clear and on no subject could there be room for lack of clarity. He was always a foe of any thoughts or politics which robbed the revolutionary line of its clarity.
The militant revolutionary line developed under his leadership against fascist terror was an expression of this. Under conditions in which revisionism and opportunism sought to organise pacifism against the fascist terror and the cities and squares were to be left to the fascist terror, based on theories that violence was a provocation, Devrimci Sol developed vengeance actions and a militant line demanding justice, with the aim of stemming the fascist terror. This brought it to a leading role in the anti-fascist struggle. With a line of direct action against state institutions, a new understanding developed on the left of the struggle against official state terrorism. This courage, a basic component of Devrimci Sol practice, was doubtless above all a creation of our leadership’s political courage.
Under his leadership Devrimci Sol and the DHKP-C were associated with his courage in all historical stages. This courage was never to be separated from our claims for revolution and power and our leading comrade sought all his life to equip our cadres with these claims.

In the short space of two years Devrimci Sol became a political force bringing hope to the masses and one which was beginning to influence the rest of the left with its practice, when the September 12, 1980 fascist coup brought our country to a new phase.

Everything and everybody was put to the test. Once again, history, theories, strategies and leaders would be put to the test. Some gave in, some preferred to become refugees abroad, while Devrimci Sol chose to resist the junta. “The pro-American fascist junta cannot make 45 million people surrender” headed a leaflet which concretely expressed our strength and resolve to resist the junta. This historic leaflet was written by our leader and in the junta years it expressed the Devrimci Sol cadres and militants’ responsibility to the people and resistance manifesto.

Our leading comrade was captured in the first period of the war against the junta. He continued the line of the struggle pursued outside prison, this time on a new front. And he continued his leadership mission of active resistance on the prison front, creating resistance politics to the September 12 junta. In his unbowed resistance practice in the prisons of Turkey, great acts of heroism were witnessed. His comrades developed theories and practice of resistance at a time when a good part of the left, including leading lights, were creating and using theories (!) about not resisting. The Death Fast in 1984 aimed at resisting attempts to introduce prison uniform was one of the peaks of this resistance, and again our leading comrade was there. He was in the first Death Fast team and so was in the front ranks of the war. At the end of 75 days of the Death Fast,
Three Devrimci Sol cadres (and one from the TIKB) were martyred, and Uncle and other resisters were reduced to a state of emaciation, but had written another page in Turkey’s history of revolutionary resistance.
This legend of a movement whose name is hope grew greater with its leadership.

The history of our Comrade Dursun Karatas’ leadership reveals him to us as one of the “first” teachers and commanders. He was a leader of actions and politics from the Armed Struggle Teams To Combat Fascist Terror to the Revolutionary Armed Units, from the Death Fasts to reading out the Defence from a lectern while under trial in the oligarchy’s courts, and in all these he extended the tradition of “do not surrender”.

On March 15, 1982, the Devrimci Sol Main Trial started, in which 1,453 revolutionaries were put on trial, and it represented another of these historic firsts. In this court our comrades presented images of accusing the oligarchic system itself, and in summary the trial was a political symbol, a symbol of collective work embodied in the 1,753 page defence entitled “We Are Right, We Will Win”, one of which everyone was aware as being of historical importance. There, Turkey’s road of revolution was once again explained, and our people’s claims to revolution and before history strengthened. His was the first signature to our claims of revolution and our resolve.

Our leading comrade ended his imprisonment with a freedom action in October 1989 and resumed his place in the hot struggle. Uncle left behind a petition to be read out at the Devrimci Sol Main Trial, which said the following: “Nobody gains freedom through begging for it, it is won through struggle. We will take our place as part of the war for winning freedom through struggle.” After escaping, the oligarchy issued an order for him to be “shot on sight”. But while they were looking for him, he was occupied with preparing a new “upsurge” in the country.

Amid martyrdoms and treason, he was our guide in achieving the first aim, the Party

He started his active leadership of our movement with the words, “Where are we on the road?” To answer this question he evaluated where we are and took new decisions, starting the “upsurge phase” in our history. This period started with the poem, “We must run faster, and it had a significant effect as part of the politics of the world at that point. In the spreading swamp of reformism and legalism in our country, while the whole world was being buffeted by counter-revolutionary winds, he held the flag of socialism even higher. In the counter-revolutionary winds summoned by imperialism, when the fashion was to adapt to the collaborationist fascist dictatorship, the Marxist-Leninist movement in Turkey stood against this. And the name of that movement’s leader was Dursun Karatas. On a world scale he was important as resistance to imperialism, and was a representative of an ideology of resistance and persistence in revolution, which would repeatedly make him a target of imperialism and the oligarchy in the period that followed.

Our Movement stepped up and expanded our armed struggle, and expressed the people’s longing for justice over a period of two and a half years. Our Movement announced, “we are on the threshold of founding the Party”.

But we also paid a high price in this period. On July 12, 1991 and April 16-17, 1992, operations were carried out in which Central Committee members Niyazi Aydin, Sinan Kukul, and our leader’s wife Sabahat Karatas were martyred. These were great losses for us. In these operations our leading comrade faced numerous dangers, but continued his duties with resolve, and in the face of every kind of negativity after the massacre, he knew how to train our cadres and fighters in the realities of the war and raise our movement to its feet in a stronger form.

While our Movement was developing under his leadership, on September 13, 1992, in our central base abroad, a putschist gang of traitors vilely abducted him and held him prisoner.

And once again history put him to the test. And once again he showed his leadership qualities, willpower and foresight, overcoming this betrayal and ensuring that our Movement would again continue on its revolutionary road. While vileness and the actors of its corruption were thrown into the dustbin of history, he never surrendered to the putschists and took his place in a revolutionary leadership that could not be besmirched and strengthened its historical mission. His leadership was stronger and the consciousness of leadership more clear.

The putsch traitors did serious damage to our movement, turning its leadership upside down and forcing almost everything to be created again, but we continued on our march. With his powerful will, unshakable foresight and targeted politics, he set us the duty of founding the Party. To achieve this duty, with the participation of our movement’s leading cadres, the Founding Congress of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party was held on March 30, 1994. Devrimci Sol took the decision to continue on the road of revolution as the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party (DHKP) and our comrade Dursun Karatas was named as General Secretary of the DHKP. Amidst martyrdoms and betrayals, our comrade set our first task as the founding of the Party, and considered it a matter of honour. Our comrade was at this post for 14 years and continued his duty to the last moment.

Our leader has joined the caravan of martyrs; our oath, our inheritance and our banner is in his name.

Our commander, leader and Uncle had said the following in the courts of the oligarchy: “This war is a class war. It will go on until the hostile classes are overthrown. With this aim I have the honour of being a fighter in Devrimci Sol… Because Devrimci Sol is the future of our country and our people’s liberation banner.”

The name of this banner, the name of hope, has since 1994 been the DHKP-C. The name of hope was identified with our leading comrade. Our war as summarised by our leading comrade in a few words, will continue until the hostile classes are overthrown.

At every step since the founding of our Party, in actions that shook the oligarchic dictatorship, in the Death Fast resistance of 1996 and 2000-2007, in organisation among the poor in the shantytowns, and in struggles such as those of the workers, the peasants and the civil servants, and in the mountains with our guerrillas, his work, his belief and his enthusiasm were present. Because all this was part of life. For him there was no difference between small and large problems. In relation to revolution, everything interested him, whether it was large or small.
Mass struggles can go forward or back, the Movement may receive blows in this or that area: but our leader comrade’s hope and belief never faded. He believed that we were able to do much more and encouraged us. The result of this belief was that many people who thought they could do nothing, and said so, were able to do much more than they thought, influenced by his willpower. This belief created great acts of resistance. And great heroes came forward. To confirm this, it is enough to note the Great Resistance of 2000-2007, the greatest recent act of resistance in our country and the world’s recent history. The words of those who tied on the red headband and swore resistance, or who set their own bodies on fire and acted as sacrificial fighters, were the same: “Long live our leader Dursun Karatas!”


Our leader will always live!

For decades, imperialism and the oligarchy were eager to kill him. But they could not. Now that he is dead, they will not be able to rejoice for a second.

We will not please our enemy and we will not sadden our friends and people.

Our people!

You have lost a son, you have lost a heroic commander who did not surrender under any circumstances, and you have lost a teacher who for 38 years under all conditions kept up your hopes and presented solutions. We, as cadres, fighters and supporters of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party and Front that he trained, promise that we will not make you feel the loss of your son, your commander and teacher. We will follow the road ending in victory that he charted. One of the aims he gave his life for was Revolutionary People’s Power. As a matter of personal honour, its basis of People’s Power will sooner or later be laid down. We will succeed in this together.


Our Uncle is no longer at our head. And that is why it is desired that show fortitude, great willpower and show yet more devotion to revolution and the organisation. To his last days he was at his post and he left us this last testament: as all the cadres of the Party-Front, so as to be able to fill the vacuum left by him, we must support revolution and the organisation yet more and show yet more resolve and enthusiasm for the duties of revolution. This is our leader’s last bequest, and is the first thing expected of revolutionary cadres by a leader who has been martyred.

Peoples of Turkey and the world!

We will march to revolution without him, yet he will still be with us!
We have lost our uncle. Our pain and loss is great. Our pain is as great as the belief, the resolve and the responsibilities today weighing us down. He was a voice that would come about with the rise of the THKP-C in the 1970s, would create the Party anew and tell us to march on the road of revolution again, and gave us good fortune for the future. We had the good fortune of following him. His was a voice that announced we could not be defeated when he said that “the junta cannot make 45 million people surrender.” He proved before history that we could not be defeated. When revisionist systems collapsed one after the other, his voice announced that “the problems of socialism will be resolved within socialism”, and this was a sign that his historical Weltanschauung was unshaken. And we will continue on this road. We will march without him, yet he will still be with us. His was a voice that could not be silenced and continued to radiate outwards. We will continue to speak with his voice. We will continue to march along his road, knowing that under every condition it is reliable and decisive. And sooner or later, we will hoist our flag on the towers of the oligarchy.


Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Partisi

(Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party)